Central European University opens door to expanded operations in Budapest
The Central European University (CEU) — founded in 1991 by George Soros to promote democratic values — is considering a partial return to Budapest following the election of Péter Magyar as Hungary’s prime minister in April 2026. The move signals potential confidence in the country's evolving political landscape.
Background: CEU’s relocation under Orbán
In 2019, amid growing pressure from Viktor Orbán’s government, the university ceased awarding degrees in Budapest and relocated its main academic activities to Vienna. This shift was prompted by legislation widely seen as targeting institutions with independent editorial or educational autonomy.
The European Union’s Court of Justice struck down Hungary’s 'Lex CEU' in 2020 for violating fundamental rights enshrined in the EU Charter. However, that ruling came too late to prevent the institutional move. As of now, only about 312 staff remain in Budapest — primarily administrative — while most teaching operations are based in Vienna.
Current interest: A symbolic return?
Carsten Q Schneider, interim president and rector of CEU, stated that increasing programmes in Budapest is under consideration, provided it does not compromise student experience. He emphasized that such a development would be ‘a symbol for academic freedom’ and resilience.
Schneider noted there have been no formal discussions between CEU and Hungary’s current government. However, he described an informal exchange of gestures: 'Our hand is reaching out, their hand is reaching out – it is just that they have many things to do.'
Academic context and global trends
The university focuses on social sciences, law, and humanities and currently hosts over 1,400 students from more than 103 countries — mostly pursuing master's or PhD degrees.
In a notable shift, US student applicants now constitute the largest cohort among master’s students (10%), up since Donald Trump returned to office in early 2025. This increase coincides with his administration’s campaign against elite universities, including reductions in federal funding and efforts to influence internal academic governance.
Schneider has engaged informally with academics across the United States about defending institutional autonomy under rightwing populist pressures. He described these movements as having 'a plan' and argued that attacks on higher education are not accidental but part of broader attempts at cultural hegemony.
He also observed that such groups — including Germany's Alternative für Deutschland — have identified real issues within Western academia, particularly regarding the reproduction of elitist structures in university curricula.
CEU’s resilience and democratic challenges
Schneider recalled a large public protest in Budapest supporting CEU, which he called one of his most humbling experiences. The event reflected widespread civic concern over academic freedom under political pressure.
In assessing Péter Magyar’s leadership, Schneider said he has effectively used Orbán’s political machinery to challenge illiberal governance. 'Nobody has a better idea than [Magyar] how to defeat the most potent and skilled illiberal populist,' Schneider stated.
He added that dismantling non-democratic regimes requires different strategies from those needed for building democracies — suggesting that democratic transformation is not guaranteed by mere opposition alone.
Doubts about Hungary's future trajectory
Schneider expressed cautious optimism: while Hungary may become a model of post-illiberal democracy, significant uncertainties remain. He pointed to the country’s difficult economic situation as a key factor in Magyar’s long-term viability.
The real test, he said, will come when Magyar faces electoral losses or internal fractures within his Tisza Party. 'Will he be able to establish a multi-party system where competition and pluralism emerge?' Schneider asked. 'That remains to be seen.'